The Six Nations (the Haudenosaunee, whom the French and English called the Iroquois) held a union of self-governing nations together for centuries without a king. Their Grand Council had fifty seats fixed by its founding law. Clan mothers chose and could remove the men who held them, and nothing was decided until all three benches agreed. The colonists lived beside that union for generations, heard its speakers urge them to imitate it, and bought those speeches in small books

What is covered: the Calas affair and the four arguments of the Treatise on Tolerance; the general will versus the will of all; the real limits Rousseau set on his sovereign, and the question he did not clearly answer, which is who applies them; the "noble savage" phrase that is not his, and the famous Voltaire line that Voltaire never wrote; what Americans actually read of each man; how Robespierre invoked Rousseau, and why invocation is not derivation; how Edmund Burke and

This is the interview that closes Week 14 of Self-Evident: The Road to 1776. Saturday’s episode read Montesquieu’s chapter on England and followed his design into Madison’s hands. Tuesday’s watched the House of Representatives stop checking the executive. Today Jared takes the judicial side of the same question, and his answer is that the courts have been handing the executive power too.

This contemporary-application episode takes the question Episode 14 ended on — what happens to a constitutional design when the parts stop resisting each other — and puts it to the House of Representatives this month. In Federalist 51, Madison connected the interest of the man to the constitutional rights of the place. In his chapter on England, Montesquieu gave the legislature the means of examining how its laws are executed, and warned against a legislature a considerable t

This episode goes into the sixth chapter of the eleventh book — the most quoted passage of political writing produced in the eighteenth century, and among the least accurately remembered. Read to the halfway mark it says what everyone thinks it says: three powers, three sets of hands, keep them apart. Read past that point and Montesquieu dismantles both prohibitions. He does not want a permanent judiciary at all. He wants occasional tribunals of ordinary men, assembled for th

Adam Smith wrote in 1776 that no human wisdom or knowledge could ever be sufficient to direct the industry of a nation. A century and a half later, other men turned that sentence into a formal argument. Carl Menger argued in 1871 that value sits in the person valuing, not in the object. Ludwig von Mises argued in 1920 that without private ownership of producer goods there are no exchange ratios for them, and so no way to weigh one use of a ton of steel against another.

Two men were born in Scotland in 1723, a county apart. They joined the same Edinburgh club, kept the same friends, and worked from the same premise about what commercial life does to a people. They never agreed about the remedy, and the disagreement is more specific and more difficult than it is usually made to sound.

David Evans is the founder and managing partner of Sentiero Ventures, an early-stage venture fund outside Dallas that invests in business software where artificial intelligence is the core of the product rather than a feature bolted onto it. Before the fund he was an operator. He has been writing software since the early 1990s, built and sold a national digital signage network, and founded EasySeat, an online ticket resale business that reached the Inc. 500 and sold in 2015.

Covers the fourth declaratory clause in full, the 1689 revenue settlement and the four-year customs grant, the first Mutiny Act and its seven-month life, Learning Resources v. Trump and the three-justice major questions plurality, Section 122 and Section 307, and the two bills now sitting in the Senate Finance Committee.

On the afternoon of 5 November 1688, the people of a Devon fishing village looked out at Tor Bay and could not see the water for ships. Something like four hundred and sixty of them, carrying fifteen thousand professional soldiers, their horses, their siege guns, and a printing press. It was the largest fleet to reach English shores since 1066, it had sailed the length of the Channel unopposed, and it belonged to a foreign head of state. Fourteen months later that same kingdo

This hour names a British government, a Chinese government, and an American administration, and applies the same standard to each. It also declines the easy version of its own argument. The British non-crime hate incident regime was found unlawful by Britain’s own Court of Appeal in 2021, abandoned for investigation by the Metropolitan Police in October 2025, and the statutory basis for it was repealed by an Act of Parliament that received Royal Assent this April. The reform

This episode states Filmer’s case at full strength before answering it, because an argument answered in its weakest form has not been answered at all — and his hard question has never entirely gone away. When, exactly, did you consent? Where is this original agreement? Produce it. You were born into a country, under laws written before you existed, enforced by a government you never chose, and you did not sign anything.

This is the Thursday conversation that closes week nine of Self-Evident: The Road to 1776. Sunday brought the written article. Saturday told the history of the Levellers, the printers and pamphleteers who wanted the limits on power written down and published without anyone’s permission. Tuesday carried it into the present. Today we close the week with a living voice — because rather than theorize about the distance between a document and its enforcement, it seemed better to a

This hour costs something. It defends a man I hold responsible for real harm, it criticizes Senator Rand Paul, who is on most days the best friend the Bill of Rights has in the Senate, and it turns on the movement and on me before it turns anywhere else. That is the point. The test this series always comes back to: did this leave us more free, or more governed?

Episode 9 traces the Levellers, the print-and-petition network of London radicals and army agitators who took Sir Edward Coke’s defense of English liberty and moved its foundation out from under it.

This is Episode 8B of Self-Evident: The Road to 1776 — the Tuesday contemporary-application episode of Week 8, following Saturday’s Episode 8, “The Common Law Will Control,” on Sir Edward Coke and the Stuart struggle. Every episode of this series asks the same question of every consequential action: did this leave Americans more free, or more governed?

This is the Thursday interview closing Week 7 of Self-Evident: The Road to 1776 — the week we traced the Dutch Republic, the first modern commercial republic, which grew prosperous not by concentrating power but by refusing to. All week the argument was that liberty and prosperity travel together, and that power held far from the people tends to be power misused. This conversation puts a living face on it: a candidate standing in the middle of the machinery, who can tell you

This is the contemporary-application episode for Week 7 of Self-Evident: The Road to 1776, and it takes Grotius off the page and holds him against our own moment — then follows the free-sea question to a harder one, closer to home. When the sea is contested and America turns to military force over it, who decides that we fight? The Constitution begins with a plain answer: Article I, Section 8 gives the power to declare war to Congress, not the President. This hour measures ou

This is the story of how a revolt became a republic almost by accident, how toleration and commerce fed each other until a small waterlogged country surpassed a vast empire, and how the men who built it also built, on the far side of the world, a machinery of conquest and slavery that cannot be edited out of the account of it.

John Thomas is an educator, a church elder, and the Libertarian candidate for Lieutenant Governor of Pennsylvania, running alongside gubernatorial candidate Ken Krawchuk. A man who has spent his life inside both the church and the liberty movement, he is exactly the voice this week's history called for.